Wiston Papers
The President is important, but we really need to worry about Congress
Millions
of Americans will vote November 06 to elect officials at the local,
state and national levels. Much media attention has been on the
presidential contest between the Democrat incumbent Barack Obama and his
Republican challenger Mitt Romney.
The
media narrative is about which man is best prepared to revive our
anemic economy, spur business growth and hiring, control runaway health
costs, assure Social Security solvency, guarantee Medicare access for
the sick and elderly, and protect national security at home and abroad.
These are legitimate concerns. But their solution does not reside in
the White House alone.
More
that 220 years ago American political leaders John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison penned a series of essays on the state of our
young nation and urged constitutional reforms they believed were
needed to protect a fragile democracy.
Their words are as important today as they were two centuries ago.
In Federalist No. 50
published February 05, 1788 the earnest argument was posed for the
clear separation of powers among the executive, judicial and legislative
branches of government. Jay, Hamilton and Madison were prescient in
recognizing that the greatest domestic danger came not from a strong
President, but rather from an expansionist Congress that would
inevitably seek to encroach on the discrete powers of the chief
executive as well as the courts.
That
is precisely what has happened and why today’s voters should pay
particular attention to whom they choose to send to the Senate and U.S.
House of Representatives.
Our
founding fathers were most fearful of a legislature that might mirror
the British House of Lords. A chamber occupied by hereditary peers who
were accountable to no one but their own interests and thus could meddle
in domestic affairs with impunity.
Of
equal concern to Jay, Hamilton and Madison was the degree of judicial
and executive powers available to the Congress despite the purported
separation of judicial and executive functions assigned to the other two
branches of government.
That danger is as great today as in 1788. Here’s why.
The
next president will have to make difficult economic decisions. But
his proposals will be modified by Congress. All bills dealing with
money originate in the House after which they are forwarded to the
Senate. The President’s ideas will be reconstituted by 435 men and women
on Capitol Hill who will have one eye firmly on chiseling away at the
budget until it resembles an edifice that will be more conducive to
their reelection to congress than to the welfare of the republic.
Any
discussion led by either Mr. Obama or Mr. Romney next year on balancing
the budget and reducing the national debt also will be held hostage to
political demands instead of responding to sound fiduciary principles.
The
next president will likewise be subjected to protracted battles for
confirmation of justices he wants for the federal courts--especially any
Supreme Court nominees he may be called upon to appoint. And cabinet
replacements will undergo similar scrutiny before they are finally
appointed.
President
Obama and Governor Romney may talk tough regarding their role as
Commander-in-Chief, but neither man can guarantee international treaties
without the consent of the Senate.
Not
only does the Congress have these executive powers, but it exerts
influence on the judiciary through the confirmation process of justices
as well as the opportunity to revisit laws that the Supreme Court may
find unconstitutional. We have seen this in legislation that specifies
whether federal funding can be used for abortions, addresses First
Amendment issues of hate speech, obscenity, religious freedom, as well
as a score of civil rights issues ranging from rights for gays,
immigrants and prisoners. Rest assured that those in Congress unhappy
with recent Supreme Court rulings will try to enact similar laws.
Congress
is the potentially most tyrannical branch of our American government.
It’s tentacles have reached far into the executive and judicial
spheres. It is persuaded by political passion and partisan
obstinance--in part due to perceived constituent pressure, which may be
good; in part due to the desire to remain in office, which is bad.
As
a result we have too many members on Capitol Hill who have stayed in
office too long. They have traded public service for perpetuity and
self-aggrandizement. They are more interested in largesse and longevity
than in legitimate legislation. They have put narrow self-serving
concerns ahead of greater national needs. The average length of service for members of Congress is ten years---five terms in the House and two
in the Senate. The leaders have served much longer.
For
these reasons we need to critically evaluate the men and women who say
they are running for office to improve our lives and the welfare of the
republic.
In all of the Federalist
papers, Jay, Hamilton and Madison reminded us that the power of America
lies with its citizens--you and me. Do we still demand that our
Congressional Representatives work for us? Do we vote for the persons
best qualified to look out for our interests? Or have we succumbed to
apathy, scepticism, and simply cast our votes every election cycle for
the familiar name on the ballot? The latter, unfortunately, too often
is the case.
Yes, who we choose for our next president is important. More important is who we send to Congress.
My conclusion: we as a nation really can do better.
Steve Coon
October 26, 2012
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